Summary: In this article, various examples of the so-called "mushroom-trees" to be found in early and medieval Christian art works from a number oj churches in Tunisia, central France and other regions of Europe are presented and discussed. The author makes it clear that the works of art presented here are considered from the point of view of the possible esoteric intention of the artists in their inclusion of the mushroom motif This paper, based on the most recent research, reaches two main conclusions. Firstly, the typological differentiation among the "mushroom-trees" of these works would appear due to a natural variation among psychoactive mushrooms. Secondly, on the basis of analysis of the works in question, a call is made for a serious and unprejudiced ethnomycological study of early Christian culture.

In an article published in the previous issue of this magazine, I presented a discussion of the mushroom-tree in the famous frescos of the Romanesque chapel of Plaincourault in the province of Indre in central France (SAMORINI 1997).

During a visit in May 1997, I was able to examine the frescos of the chapel (and also note their state of deterioration). Here, we find the scene of the Temptation with its mushroom-tree - painted by the Knights of the Order of Malta on their return from the Crusades.

By way of summary of my earlier article, I observed that the Plaincourault mushroom-tree is to be found in the scene of the Temptation from the book of Genesis. It appears between Adam and Eve, with a serpent coiled around it - in its mouth the fruit it offers to Eve.

According to the historian of Christian art, Erwin Panofsky (cf. WASSON 1969: 179-180) this type of tree - which resembles a mushroom and which, for this reason, is termed Pilzbaum ("mushroom-tree") in German - is widespread (above all, in Romanesque and early Gothic) Christian art. It has been considered the schematic representation of a conifer (the "umbrella pine") and there are hundreds of examples illustrating the gradual transformation from the naturalistic forms of the pine to the more schematic "umbrella-tree", hence to the various forms of mushroom-tree.

Toward the beginning of this century, a French mycologist put forward the hypothesis that the Plaincourault mushroom-tree was a representation of Amanita muscaria, the well-known psychoactive mushroom with its white-spotted red cap. If this is the case, the esoteric content of the Temptation would appear evident - i.e. identification between the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil and a mushroom capable of producing visionary states and "illumination".

After a hurried visit to the chapel in Plaincourault and, above all, after consulting the art historian Panofsky, R. G. Wasson categorically denied the validity of the interpretation offered by the French mycologist and supported and propagated by his followers. In his essay on Soma (1968: 179-180), Wasson, the father of modern ethnomycology, after citing Panofsky's comment, stated " it would have been better if the mycologists had consulted the art historians".

Closer examination of the facts reveals that, in a footnote in his Mushrooms, Russia and History, Wasson had already stated even more forcefully that "The Plaincourault fresco does not represent a mushroom and has no place in a discussion of ethno-mycology. It is a typical stylized Palestinian tree, of the type familiar to students of Byzantine and Romanesque art" (WASSON & WASSON 1957, 1:87).

As I have already noted on a previous occasion (SAMORINI 1997) and as the evidence I present here would suggest, Wasson's conclusion may be considered premature. However, it must be remembered that, according to J. OTT (1997), Wasson was unable to advance research into the Plaincourault "case" on account of his fundamental research and discoveries in Mexico and concerning the Vedic soma. Nevertheless, I feel this hardly justifies his hasty dismissal of this idea.

I might add that Wasson's probable "oversight" does not in any way diminish the credibility or stature of the father of modern etnomycology. I stress this point because the direction I have taken in my studies has as its starting point the trail blazed for mycologists by Wasson's critical works.

With the premise that the problem of interpretation of the evidence consists in establishing the intention of these artists to represent the mushroom symbol as part of the esoteric content of their work, we may now consider a detailed description of the evidence.

In the Plaincourault mushroom-tree form (fig. 1), we may note the following details: 1) the semispherical foliage or fronds is similar to the cap of a mushroom and is studded with spots (in this case, whitish on an ochre background); 2) two of lateral ramifications join the frond-cap from below and symmetrically in relation to the main trunk of the tree. These two ramifications may be intended as a means of representing the three dimensions of the tree with a serpent coiled around its trunk. From the mycological angle, however, these ramifications might represent the membranes enveloping mushrooms of the family of the Amanitaceae at the early stages of development. This membrane then breaks when the cap broadens out and separates from the stalk; 3) the roundish fruit of the tree is, here, held in the mouth of the serpent as it offers it to Eve; 4) along and around the base of the main trunk we have ramifications which are also very similar to mushrooms in form surmounted by "caps" upon which once more we may note whitish spots. I have also studied a number of other mushroom-trees characterized by the same four iconographic features found at Plaincourault.

Fig. 1 - Plaincourault Chapel, Indre, central France. Fresco of the Temptation. End of the 12th century AD.

Two examples are to be found in 4th and 5th century B.C. Tunisian mosaics. In Tunisia during the centuries of Roman domination (I st-4th centuries B.C.) there was a flourishing tradition of well-crafted mosaic work of considerable artistic value. This tradition was continued in the mosaic floors of the first Christian churches (FANTAR 1995).

The mosaic in fig. 2 decorates the baptistry of the henchir Messaouda in the Tunisian region of Sfax. lt probably dates back to the 5th century a.c., and here we have an iconographic scheme which was fairly widespread and of very ancient origin: two animals symmetrically placed beside the Tree of Life.

Fig. 2 - Henchir Messaouda, Sfax, Tunisia. Baptistry mosaico V century a.C (From PUECH 1949)

The first representations of this arrangement date back to Sumerian art of the 3rd millenium B.C. The two animals are generally of the same species; they are horned wild animals or quadrupeds (above all, Cervidae) or birds. The object placed between them is the Tree of Life. A typical example is the two wild animals beside the sacred tree Horn (Haoma) of Persian art. Simi/ar representations exist, such as a Plant of Life, a recipient containing the Water of Life, a Tree of Life from the foot of which rivers of the Water of Life spring forth (usually, four rivers are represented), or even a column (as in the famous "Door of Lions" at Mycene surmounted by two lions rampant upon a column). Sometimes the two animals feed on the Tree of Life or drink from the Chalice or the springs of the Water of Life. This variant is probably c1osest to the original iconographic scheme. This artistic scheme originates in the Middle East and spread to much of the Old World including North Africa as it underwent local stylistic modifications. According to FANTAR (1995: 107), the Phoenicians brought it to Africa, where it passed into the hands of the Romans.

The Tree of Life is the element most subject to stylistic variation, from the most realistic to the most imaginative. The palm-tree is one of the most widespread types. It may be more or less realistic, or represented by a single palm leaf the size of a tree. A further common type in the Mediterranean basin is the conifer-tree, sometimes represented quite simply by a pine cone. The mushroom-tree, which appears to derive from the conifer tree, seems to be less widespread than the other two types mentioned here.

Christianity was one of the last and most important means by which the artistic scheme of the two animals and the Tree of Life spread. The two most frequently adopted animals were two lambs or two fishes. The Cantharos (chalice) of the Water of Life or the Cross gradually took the place of Tree of Life. The esoteric meaning of the scene also changed, as CHARBONNEAU-LASSAY (1997: 54) has pointed out: "When, in the iconography of the first centuries of Christianity, two fish or animals surround an emblem, this always directly represents Jesus Christ; and the animals which accompany Christ are the symbolic representation of the Christian faithful". With the transformation of the Tree of Life into a Cross we therefore have an identification between the Tree and Christ. The Water of Life, placed in the Cantharos, and which flows from the Tree of Life becomes more and more closely identified with Christ's blood.

On further examination of the Messaouda mosaic, we may note that the two animals are deer, both of which are savaging a serpent. The deer savaging a serpent is also an iconographic scheme of pre-Christian origin. This motif is associated with the belief, record ed by writers in antiquity, that deer were fierce foes and persecutors of serpents (cf. CHARBONNEAU-LASSAY 1994; see "Deer", l:XXX; PUECH 1944). The tree placed between the two animals is a mushroom-tree of the same kind as that found at Plaincourault and it is endowed with the same four characteristics mentioned above, namely, 1) the cap-shaped fronds, with many spots; 2) the two lateral ramifications of the main trunk joining the frond; 3) the round fruits (here, hanging from the frond ) and; 4) the fungoid protruberances at the foot of the tree. In the upper right corner of this scene we may note a dove, a widespread feature of Christian art with a great variety of meanings.

The same artistic scheme is featured in another 4th century A.D. Tunisian mosaic (fig. 3; cf. FANTAR 1955: 107) from Carthage, now in the Bardo Museum in Tunis. This mosaic was discovered in a Roman house and not in a Christian church. Not only do we find the main pair of animals, two lions, but also other pairs, hares and birds (probably doves) in the upper half of the scene, these two symmetrically arranged around the tree. The tree is rendered fairly realistically and, indeed, it might be considered a conifer-tree, despite the presence of the four characteristics of the Plaincourault and Messaouda mushroom-trees which ascribe it to this type of representation. The Carthaginian mosaic tree would appear to be midway between conifer-tree and Pl a incourault-type mushroom-tree. If this is the case, it might be considered a (pre-Christian) prototype of this mushroom-tree.

Fig. 3 - Mosaic from a Roman house. Carthage, Tunisia. 4th C AD

The fruits of the Carthage mosaic tree are represented with the characteristics of a cone, and this is the main detail which provides the identity of conifer. Art historians, including Panofsky (cf. WASSON 1968: 179), believe this conifer-tree form corresponds to Pinus pinea, the "umbrella pine", a common Mediterranean pine (cf. fig. 4). This conclusion is probably correct for the Carthaginian mosaic and any number of other examples of conifer-tree, but less appropriate for the Plaincourault and Messaouda mushroom-trees and others which I shall mention shortly. We should also bear it in mind that the mycological interpretation does not rule out the dendrological (pine) interpretation, or vice versa, given the ecological association between conifers and certain species of mushrooms, notably Amanita muscaria.

Fig. 4 - "Umbrella pine" (Pinus pinea)

We also find another kind of mu shroom-tree in Tunisia. This is from the henchir Ounaïssia (6th-7th century), at the moment housed in the Museum of Sbeitla (fig. 5, cf. FANTAR 1995:229). We might consider this scene a transition stage in an iconographic scheme which is only slightly different from that of the two animals symmetrically placed beside the Tree of Life; it might be considered a variant of a scheme which also originates in the Middle East and dates back to remotest antiquity. Here we have the two animals and three Trees or Plants of Life which are usually the same as each other, one between the two animals and the other two behind them. A fine example comes from the Mycenean gold ring in fig. 6, in which three trees or plants are combined with two quadrupeds, apparently steinboks. During the last stage of absorption of this artistic scheme in Christian art (i.e. its full transformation into a "truly" Christian symbol) we may note the recurring image of the two animals combined with one or more crosses. As we have already indicated, the Trees of Life become the symbol of the Cross, once Christianized, and the three parts constituting many examples of a certain type of Tree of Life (e.g. in the Mycenean ring) become the three upper components of the Cross, the various stages of the "crucifixion" of the Tree of Life become evident in paleo-Christian art.

Fig. 5 - Mosaic from the henchir Ounaïssia. Tunisia. 6th-7th C AD

Fig. 6 - Mycenean gold ring

The Ounaïssia mosaic represents a stage in the transition of this iconographic scheme: the two animals are symmetrical1y placed and are once more two (ochre-coloured and white-spotted) Cervidae; the tree placed between the animals has already completed its transformation into a "cross", and, below it, there is a Cantharos containing the Water of Life (at this stage, perhaps already considered the blood of Christ). We may also note that the other two Trees of Life, placed behind the animals, have not yet been fully 'crucified'. These two trees are mushroom-trees of a different kind than the Plaincourault one. Both feature the three cap-like fronds and, upon these, vertical lines have been traced which we may consider "striations".

In another 5th-6th century mosaic from the Béja region in Tunisia, housed in the Bardo Museum in Tunis (fig. 7, cf. FANTAR 1995:92-3), we find a mushroom-tree similar to the Ounaïssia example. This mosaic represents a Greek mythological scene in which Achilles receives instruction from Chiron, the wisest of the Centaurs, on deer-hunting. A Chimera is presented in the lower left corner. Achilles and Chiron are surrounded by four plants of the same shape, and on careful observation we may consider them mushroom-trees. Probably for reasons of space, three of these are composed of two mushrooms but the fourth has three. Each of the frond-caps presents lines in various colours which remind us of the "striations" encountered in the Ounaïssia mushroom-trees. Some of these lines overlap the lower edge of the frond-cap. This kind of mushroom-tree has been called "tree with medusa-shaped frond" (RIOU 1992). Mycologically speaking, these overlapping lines recall the filaments which adorn the edges of the caps of various species of psychoactive and non-psychoactive Panaeolus-type mushrooms.

Fig. 7 - Roman mosaic, Béja, Tunisia. 5th-6th C AD

In fact, ROBERT GRAVES associated the mythological figure of the Centaur with psychoactive mushrooms in his essay Food for Centaurs (1960, cf. 1994). However, the arguments he used were unthorough and perhaps a bit fanciful. FANTAR (1995: 92) comments on the Béja mosaic, the work of Christian artists who revived pagan symbols and mythologies, and stresses the point that it dates back to a period of heresy and fratricide due to struggles among various groups of Christians.

We find mushroom-trees which are similar to the Ounaïssia examples in a fresco dating back more or less to the same period as the Plaincourault mushroom trees, and from the same area (central France). This fresco is in the Abbey of Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe (fig. 8) in the province of Vienne, about 40 kilometers from Poitiers and only 9 kilometers from Plaincourault. The Abbey's frescos are among the most highly admired works of French Romanesque art. They are dated circa 1100, about 80 years before the Plaincourault frescos and, like these, are of the Haute-Poitou Romanesque Style (OURSEL, 1994).

Fig. 8 - Abbey of Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe, Vienne, central France

On the ceiling above the central nave of the church at a height of about 16 metres, there are some scenes from the Old Testament. Figure 9 presents the scene of the fourth day of Creation with God placing the Sun in the firmament in the presence of two trees which could hardly be considered mere ornament. One of these is a mushroom-tree. The moon and sun are anthropomorphically depicted, each featuring a head within a medallion.

Fig. 9 - Fresco from Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe, circa 1100 AD

In the same fig. 9 we see part of the preceding scene (which has somewhat deteriorated) depicting the third day of Creation - the day of the creation of vegetation. Here, we see two trees of two types (one, a mushroom tree) which are also like the ones on the right. A third tree of the same kind is depicted elsewhere among the nave frescos next to the scene of Moses in the presence of the Pharaoh (RIOU 1992:35). We should also bear in mind that the Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe frescos include many other trees which also have a fairly tall trunk which is often above a sort of ring. The trunk spreads out to form a number of branches, generally three, and some branches terminate with a compact trilobate frond. A number of these trees spring from a small conical base or mound which might represent a mountain (RIOU 1992). H has been suggested that the pictorial cycle of Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe contains stylistic influences of the Byzantine art of northern Italy (cf. LABANDE-MAILFERT 1974). The mushroom-trees are all the same. They have a large trunk encroaching downwards upon the lower scenes of the same wall, as we may note in the detail provided (fig. 10). These trees are also similar to the Ounaïssia mushroom-trees. Here too, they present three mushrooms with striated "caps".

Scholars have termed this kind of vegetation "mushroom-tree", or even " tree with medusa-shaped frond" (RIOU 1992). Alternatively, it has been defined "mushroom-shaped flowers" (THOUMIEU 1997: 134). ELEMIRE ZOLLA (1979) seems to have no hesistation at alias to the inspiration of the Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe mushroom-trees: they are hallucinogenic mushrooms, "symbols of the divine, and of exceptional powers".

Fig. 10 - Fresco from Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe (detail)

As stated above, in reference to the mushroom-tree from the Béja mosaic (fig. 7), the striations hanging over the "frond" are very similar to the fringes on the caps of various species of Panaeolus. These striations are more a feature of mushrooms than trees; very many mushrooms present these striations, some of which are psychoactive. In fact, the mushroom striations are caused by the juncture between the gills and the cap (see fig. 11). The four cirrous adornments under each cap terminate with a small round object which might symbolize the fruit of the mushroom-tree.

Fig. 11 - Panaeolus sp.

In fig. 12, we see the frontispiece of a German edition of the Carmina Burana. This edition is dated to the early 12th century and is housed in the Munich Staatsbibliolek. Various types of tree are depicted; they are quite bizarre, although they do have a common source: the large group of artistic forms which developed in the Mediterranean from the Greek period on (GRABAR & NORDENFALK 1958). One of these trees, which is very small, in the middle of the top half and upon which a bird perches, is a mushroom-tree of the Saint-Savin type, made up of three mushrooms with striated caps.

Fig. 12 - Frontespiece of a German edition of the Carmina Burana. 13th C AD (from GRABAR & NORDENFALK 1958)

As Panofsky notes (in WASSON 1968: 179), there are many mushroom-trees in Romanesque art (more than I present here). Apart from the types described above, there are others the styles of which are derived from local variants and individual imagination. One example is the mushroom-tree in the magnificent frescos in the small church in Vic (fi g. 13), once more in central France in the Berry region some 80 kilometers from Plaincourault (fig. 13). These 12th century frescos are the work of an anonymous artist, as are most of the works I present here. They therefore follow the Saint-Savin works, which are themselves only slightly earlier than the Plaincourault frescos. Although these frescos do not represent the Haut-Poitou Romanesque Style they are nevertheless considered part of the same artistic tradition (GRABAR & NORDENFALK 1958).

Fig. 13 - Church of Vic, Berry, central France.

As Manuel and Dona Torres pointed out to me, the scene of Jesus entering Jerusalem is presented in the upper part of the right wall of the choir (fig. 14). Christ is riding a donkey. Some people welcome Christ by laying their cloaks on the ground whi1e others pluck flowers and leaves from the trees and offer them to him. The trees are stylized as palms in the manner of a familiar and fairly widespread typology. However, the upper part of one of the trees is quite unusual (see detail, fig. 15). It terminates with five umbrellas and may be defined a mushroom-tree. The mushroom-like appearance is further confirmed by the concave "caps", as depicted. Here, we might say, we have a "mushroom-palm".

Fig. 14 - Fresco from the church of Vic. 12th C AD

Fig. 15 - Fresco from the church of Vic (detail)

Mushroom-trees can also be found in twentieth century folk religious art which - iconographically speaking are the outcome of developments taking place in the Middle Ages or in even remoter epochs.

See, for example the Rumenian painting reproduced in fig. 16, which my Bolognese colleague Dr Guido Baldelli kindly brought to my attention. Many folk crucifixions are to be found in the houses of Rumenian farmers. During the various periods of the Middle Ages the mythological image of the Tree of Life rising out of the Cross of the Passion of Christ and extending its branches was commonly encountered, as was the belief that the Cross itself had been made out of the wood of the Tree of Life (cf., for example, COOK 1987). We note the presence of the mushroom-tree, or rather of groups of mushroom-trees springing up all over the Cross in Rumenian paintings of the kind presented here in fig. 16. The "caps" are red with white spots, like the fly-agaric. Another interesting detail is the inclusion of smaller striated caps. It would appear that this kind of painting, after centuries of reproduction, combines two different kinds of mushroom-trees which, despite all, may each be identified separately even today.

Rather than transmitting esoteric messages indicating some knowledge of psychoactive mushrooms, it is more likely that the folk artists of today are quite simply reproducing stereotyped images in pictures such as these, and are quite unaware of any mycological interpretation of their work.

However, if it is recognized that during the Middle Ages knowledge of the psychoactive properties of mushrooms stili existed, it is more likely that this was the intention in older representations. Here, the indications are few and far between, and it must also be noted that research of this kind has been very scarce indeed.

Fig. 16 - Rumenian painting. 20th C AD (photo Dr. GUIDO BALDELLI)

There are quite a few psychoactive mushrooms in Europe. Not only do we have the two species, Amanita muscaria and A. pantherina - which require conifer or birch woods in their habitat (forests which were much more common and extensive than they are today) -, we also find a few dozen species of psilocybian mushrooms including the genera Psilocybe, Inocybe, Pluteus and Panaelous (to be found both in fields and forests, on the plains and in mountainous regions) (FESTI 1985; GARTZ 1996; GUZMÁN 1983; STAMETS 1996).

While there are few ethnomycological data concerning the relations between these mushrooms and European peoples, the most interesting findings concern the Iberian peninsula.

JOSEP FERICGLA (1993) found traces of the use of fly-agaric in the 20th century on the southern side of the Pyrenees in Catalonia. His research shows that until the first decades of this century, A. muscaria was consumed (by shepherds, charcoal burners, and isolated peasants) in the remoter rural areas - and today there are those who consume it "just to get high" and no longer for reasons concerning religious life or magic.

In any case, there is a colloquial Catalán expression, estar tocat de bolet ("to be touched by the mushroom") referred to one acting or saying completely crazy things. This would appear to reflect once widespread knowledge of the inebriating power of certain mushrooms, above all the oriol fol (falsa oronja) or matamosca (A. muscaria) (FERICGLA 1994: 177-184). Nowadays, the Catalán expression is used without thinking about whence it came or how it derived, just as mushroom gatherers in northern Italy refer to inedible mushrooms as funghi matti ("crazy mushrooms"), unaware of the fact that this expression has broadened its meaning over time and once referred to certain mushrooms which "drive you mad" or which are, rather, inebriating.

Psilocybe semilanceata may be found close by in the Basque country. Although it is a mushroom with which people are familar, they are apparently unaware of its psychoactive properties; its vernacular name is sorgin zorrotz (BECKER 1989:243), a term which refers to the figure of the witch. 1. M. FERICGLA (1998) translates this Basque term with the Castilian term bruja picuda, as in bruja que tiene pico, literally "witch with a point", that is: witch carrying a pointed object. This brings to mind the traditional image of the witch with her pointed hat. This piece of etymological information might confirm the hypothesis that the witch's pointed hat was a representation of a psychoactive mushroom such as witches may well have consumed. Likewise, the hypothesis put forward by a number of researchers (cf., for example, CALVETTI 1986) that Little Red Riding Hood's headgear originally represented the cap of the fly agaric, as might the hoods of other woodland folk from European folk and fairy tales. In any case, the Basque term, sorgin zorrotz is one of the few instances recorded up to the present in which psilocybian mushrooms have perhaps not been forgotten but are stili referred to by traditional names (names of some consistency, given the allusions to which they might have).

In Aragón, bordering Catalonia, 19th century bronze medallions have been discovered, showing the devil beside what might be "hallucinogenic" mushrooms (GARI 1996).

It may be appropriate at this stage to bring up Robert Grave's recollections of a visit to Portugal: "Some years ago, I learned that a number of Portuguese witches made magic use of some varieties of mushroom and I arranged that the most famous mycologist in Europe, my friend Dr. Roger Heim, receive a sample [of these mushrooms]. If I remember correctly, they were Panaeolus papilionaceus. The document is in Wasson's possession" (GRAVES 1984: 132-3; cf., also, id. 1992: 52). Although Graves is not considered entirely trustworthy since, as we noted above, some of his interpretations are perhaps a bit fanciful, this episode bears investigation.

In Italy I recently discovered a 1880 use of A. muscaria apparently for pleasure in the province of Milan, in an area in which, according to folk tradition, this kind of mushroom fa cantare ("makes you sing") (GRASSI 1880; cf. SAMORINI 1996).

In 1990, in the journal Nature, Daniele Piomelli advanced the unlikely hypothesis that St. Catherine of Genoa entered a state of ecstasy after (perhaps unwittingly) consuming A. muscaria. PIOMELLI's evidence (1991) is a passage from the biography of this saint - who lived between the years 1447 and 1510 - in which reference is made to "Aloe epatico" (hepatic aloe) and "agarico pestato" (pounded or crushed agaric) which the biographer understands to be unpleasant-tasting preparations used as condiments by the saint in order to deny herself any pleasure in alimentation. However, as Tjakko Stijve points out, "there is no reason to believe this 'agaric' was A. muscaria. Fly agaric is not bitter tasting and the term 'agaric' in the 15th century was widely used to indicate Agaricum officinale (Vill. ex Fr.) Donk which, in its dry form, was a commodity considered beneficial. Furthermore, A. officinale is very bitter, but it does not act on the central nervous system" (STIJVE 1994). By way of confirmation of Stijve's conclusion, it is worth noting that even as far back as Dioscorides and Pliny, the term agaricum was associated with this polyporaceous mushroom (LAZZARI 1973).

JONATHAN OTT (1998: 131-2, n. 70) refers to an illustration appearing in a work on Gnosticism by RANDOLPH KURT (1987) in which, in a fragment of a Manichaean miniature, probably of French origin, the "Feast of Bema" is depicted with Mani beside the " table of God" on which there is a basket containing bread and red "sacred fruits " with white spots, like the cap of fly-agaric. WASSON also (1968: 71-6) had already stated that there may be a link between this mushroom and Manichaeism.

Turning to central and eastern Europe, we may consider Jochen Gartz's observations: "Clusius (1525-1609), the great physician and botanist, discovered the bolond gomba in Hungary. This mushroom was known under the German name Narrenschwamm ("fool's mushrooms"). It was used in rural areas, where it was processed into love potions by wise men or javas asszony. At about the same time, this " fool's mushroom" was documented in Slovakja as well. In addition, the mushroom found its way into the verses of Polish poet Vaclav Potocki (1625--1699), who refers to its potential for "causing foolishness much like opium does". Similarly, in England, John Parkinson's Theatricum Botanicum (1640) includes details about a "foolish mushroom". The Austrian colloquial expression "he ate those madness-inducing mushrooms" (er hat verrückte Schwammerln gegessen) refers to states of mental confusion. Historic source materials such as these are scarce and widely-scattered. Undoubtedly, they refer to psychotropic mushrooms" (GARTZ 1996:11-12).

I remember the old Croatian myth preserved in folk tales, according to which the fly-agaric springs up on Christmas night (H. Kleijn 1962; cit. in MORGAN 1995: 116--7).

With regard once more to mushroom-tree re presentations, we cannot be sure that the artists wished to represent psychoactive mushrooms; indeed, it is unlikely that this was the case. However, in the two examples I present below we have good reason to suspect that the artists wished to supplement the depicted scenes with an esoteric message associated with psychoactive mushrooms.

CHRIS BENNETT and LYNN and JUOY OSBURN (1995) wrote an essay on the history of Cannabis, one page of which is dedicated to A. muscaria. Here they present the surprising image (fig. 17) taken fro m a 14th century manuscript on alchemy from the Bodleian Library in Oxford (England). Bennet and Osburn comment as follows: "... the alchemical painting show a man intoxicated on Amanita muscaria mushrooms. He clutches one mushroom in his [left] hand as he dances about holding his other hand to his forehead as if the reve1ation is too intense. Behind him a tree grows with a spotted mushroom for a top" (BENNET et al., 1995: 240).

Fig. 17 - Painting from a 14th C AD alchemical manuscript (from BENNETT et al., 1995:241)

The tree in question is a mushroom-tree of the Plaincourault variety. It presents the four particularities described above. The impression is that the man may be dancing; however, he may be swaying as a result of the overpowering effect of the mushroom. This latter impression is confirmed by the fact that his hand is on his forehead in the typical manner of a person in a state of mental confusion, inebriation or dizziness. These signs are characteristic of the onset of the effects of fly-agaric. If we follow this line of interpretation, and accept Bennett's and the Osburns' hypothesis that the object in the man's left hand is also a mushroom, we are justified in thinking that the author of this manuscript intended to draw the tree with the semblance of a mushroom, and not just any mushroom; it is A. muscaria. This very picture, which we might consider an alchemical puzzle, parts of which we are trying to uncover, includes other interesting symbols. Beside the Amanita-tree we see one salamander, and another one above a fire. Here we find the first confirmation of something I personally have suspected for some time now, and that is that the salamander in certain circles engaged in alchemical studies during the Middle Ages may have been a secret symbol for fly-agaric (due perhaps partly to the fact that the cap of the mushroom and the skin of the salamander are both maculate). The alchemical salamander, which Pliny called animal stellatum, is the Salamandra salamandra L., and is popularly known in Italy as the salamandra pezzata (pied salamander). According to Duccio Canestrini, "in all likelihood, on seeing salamanders coming out of damp tree trunks - their favoured habitat - to escape fire, the legend came about that these animals were incombustible" (CANESTRINI 1985:27). In ancient times it was believed that salamanders could survive in the midst of fire and would not be consumed by flames, and as time went by they became gradually more closely associated with fire.

If the hypothesis be correct that in certain alchemical circles the salamander symbolizes fly-agaric (and fig. 17 would seem. to corroborate this), the familiar symbol of the salamander above a fire might, in these circles, represent the drying of the cap of the fly-agaric. It is well known that fly-agaric must be dried before it is consumed to obtain the full effects (cf. FESTI 1990: 171).

In the mediaeval alchemical and heraldic repertory, the iconographic scheme of the salamander in the midst of flames is generally unaccompanied by other elements. However, the scene presented in fig. 18 (taken from the Musaeum Hermeticum of 1678) is more complex. The man appears to be moving the salamander toward the fire with his trident as though he wished to toast it. This is not the widespread allegory of the salamander which can brave the flames without getting burnt; this is instead an operation of the Opra depicted in the manner of an alchemical allegory (the salamander is immersed in flames due to the action of man; man is cooking it, or drying it, as one does with fly-agaric before consuming it for its inebriating effects).

Fig. 18 - Illustration from the Musaeum hermeticum. 1678 AD

Actually, I well remember the extraordinary page from the well-known alchemical treatise by Salomon Trismosin, Splendor solis (first edition 1582), presented and discussed by CLARK HEINRICH (1994: 167-9 and table 41). In it, the winged Divine Hermaphrodite with its two heads is represented as if it were standing on only one leg. It holds two objects in its hands. These objects, given their form and color, fairly closely resemble the lower part of the cap and the ovule from which the fly-agaric grows. Furthermore, the hermaphrodite is placed in a birch forest (this is one of the few species of tree with which the fly-agaric can enter into a symbiotic relationship). According to interpretations of alchemical symbolism, certain correspondences seem to emerge surprising clearly: the relationship between the sun and moon represented by the two heads and the two different coloured wings (red and white), which the mushroom precisely represents.

The next item we shall consider was located by the German chemist JOCHEN GARTZ (1996). It is a bas-relief from the bronze doors of the cathedral in Hildesheim close to Hannover (northern Germany) by an artist named Bernward, dating back to circa 1020 (fig. 19).

Fig. 19 - Bas-relief of the bronze doors of the cathedral in Hildesheim, northern Germany. Circa 1020 AD (with kind permission of JOCHEN GARTZ)

The scene following the Temptation, fairly realistically rendered, shows Adam and Eve who have already eaten the forbidden fruit. They discover their nudity, and, covering their sex with an object, perhaps leaves, they speak with God. God is asking Adam who ate the fruit, and appears to be pointing at him with His right hand. Adam covers his sex with his right hand and with the left points to Eve. She covers her sex with her right hand and with the left points at the horrendous creature writhing on the ground at her feet, the incarnation of the Tempter. There is a mushroom-tree between Adam and Eve upon which we may note two mushrooms with pointed striated caps. T'his is the "Saint-Savin" type of mushroom (three striated mushrooms). Here, the third mushroom has been consumed by Adam and Eve, as revealed by the broken branch springing from the lower part of the tree trunk. The esoteric meaning would appear to be quite clear. T'he mushroom-tree is realistically rendered with a precision not far short of anatomic accuracy and can be identified as one of the most common Germanic and European psilocybian mushroom, P. semilanceata (Fr.) Quél. This mushroom is endowed with a characteristic "papilla" or "papillate umbon" surmounting the cap; this seems to indicate quite clearly that the artist intended to represent precise ly this species of mushroom in his basrelief.

By way of summary, we may note that with the alchemical illustration (fig. 17) we have at least one example of the "Plaincourault" type mushroom-tree with its four characteristics as defined and, here, we are justified in our strong suspicion that the artist wished to represent a psychoactive mushroom, the mushroom in question being A. muscaria (or the mushroom of the same genus, A. pantherina). With the German bas-relief of fig. 19 we have also found at least one "Saint-Savin" type mushroom, with its three typically striated caps, and here too we are justified in strongly suspecting that the artist intended to represent a psychoactive mushroom (the mushroom in question is a psilocybian). Thus, we have discovered a precise typological differentiation among mushroom-trees in Christian art which corresponds with the variation in naturally occurring psychoactive mushrooms (cf. fig. 20).

Fig. 20

I have recently identified another mushroom-tree on a capital in the famous Romanesque basilica at Vézélay (fig. 21), this too in central France. This basilica's hundred capitals dating back to circa 1135 are well-known and are probably the work of one sculptor.

Fig. 21 - Basilica of Vézélay, central France

In figs 22 and 23, we see capital no. 50 with scenes from the biblical account of the struggle between David and Goliath (I Samuel, 17). The anterior face shows David decapitating the Philistine giant with his sword; on the right side, instead, we have the next scene in which David carries the head of the giant on his shoulders as a trophy he will display to King Saul in Jerusalem. The artist sculpted a mushroom-tree by David's side in this scene and, if we look carefully, we may note that David, carrying Goliath's head, is walking on some leaves, one of which. belongs to the mushroom-tree. This mushroom-tree might be considered of the "Saint-Savin" type, given the evident striations on the caps of the mushrooms, but here we have only two. If we go back to the Hildesheim mushroom-tree (fig. 19), we will remember that, although there were two mushrooms there too, we have an explanation for the absence of a third one (which in any case existed). Here too, we are tempted to search for the third mushroom. Consider Goliath's helmet in the preceding scene. The shape and striations (grooves, or fluting) of the helmet are quite similar to those of the two mushroom caps of the mushroom-trees. If we examine one side of the capital (fig. 23) and bear in mind that it is located well above the viewer, the "illusion" created if we may cali it that - is of a mushroom-tree with three caps. Far reasons of space, artists often had to eliminate details from scenes and would not hesitate to superimpose motifs and sequences otherwise represented in chronological order and therefore separately. In the Tunisian mosaic at Béja (fig. 7), far example, we have Achilles and the centaur, Chiron. Here, three of the four mushroom-trees are without the third mushroom, probably due to lack of space.

Figg. 22 & 23 - Capital n. 50 from the basilica of Vézélay. Circa 1135 AD

Considering this Vézélay capital, one might also be tempted to interpret the object which can only just be seen under David's foot on the anterior face as the "third mushroom". THOUNIEU (1997:149) comments: "David is so small compared to the giant that he has to climb up a sort of plant in order to decapitate him". This plant might be taken for one of the many decorative leaf motifs which are a feature of the Vézélay stonework. But it has a stalk and can hardly be thought of as a branch or petiole, and therefore might be a mushroom. If this is the case, the esoteric message is unfolded before our eyes: to gain enough strength to decapitate Goliath (allegory of the struggle between good and evil), David must "ascend" by means of something which will "imbue" him with courage and strength. Mushrooms, the form of which is the same as that of the mushroom-tree in capital no. 50, appear in the foliage of other capitals in the same basilica. See, for example, the anterior face of capital 26 (fig. 24) representing the 4th century Bishop of Tours, St. Martin, as he preaches (he is known for his incessant efforts to convert pagans). In the middle of this scene, we find a palm tree which VIVIANE HUYS-CLAVEL (1996: 123) interprets as the "tree of the pagans" which St. Martin hurls insults at, the veneration of which St: Martin openly condemns. On the top of the palm tree we see a mushroom. Is it mere chance that a tree believed to be "pagan" should also feature a mushroom? There is something odd about this tree. Stylistically speaking, the mushroom poking out of the palm frond makes little sense; indeed, quite the opposite: it is an anomaly which seems to have been included to set this tree apart from the others and provide it with a separate meaning, as though the mushroom itself was an indication of the tree's "pagan" nature. The Vézélay master was meticulous at his job and the impression is that nothing was left to chance in these capitals. The wealth of allegorical and esoteric material in each scene is evident and, indeed, has been fully acknowledged by all scholars active in this field.

Fig. 24 - Capital n. 26 from the basilica of Vézélay. Circa 1135 AD

Lastly, I wish to refer to the observations made by FRANCO FABBRO (1996) on one of the mosaics of the paleo-Christian basilica of Aquileia (Fig. 25) in northern Italy (the Friuli-Venezia Guilia region). The mosaic forms part of the oldest paleo-Christian part of the basilica, known as the "Cripta degli Scavi", dated 314 A.D. (cf. MARINI 1994). Among the various subjects - animals, crosses, geometrie symbols - we may note a basket containing mushrooms (Fig. 26). Here, we have no mushroom-tree but mushrooms themselves, represented as such by the artist. Perhaps this is the only existing example known to us to date of the evident representation of mushrooms in an early Christian church.

Fig. 25 - Basilica of Aquileia, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, northern Italy

Fig. 26 - Mosaic of the "Cripta degli Scavi" from the Basilica of Aquileia (detail), 314 AD

Fabbro appears to have no doubts as to the species of mushroom presented: fly-agaric. Indeed, he is perhaps too self-assured and hasty in his conclusion that this Aquileia "find" provides corroborative evidence that the early Christians used fly-agaric. As Francesco Festi of the Museo Civico in Rovereto and I concluded (FESTI & SAMORINI 1997), the mushrooms represented in the Aquileia mosaic were probably Amanita caesarea, also known as "ovulo buono" (royal-agaric), an edible mushroom considered a delicacy by the ancient Romans and often included in the figurative works of the Roman imperial period. We based our view on the fact that the mushroom stalks are yellow and not white, this being one of the distinguishing marks between these two species. However, after paying a visit to the basilica I did note that the part of the mosaic corresponding to the inside of the caps, the gills, is white, as are the gills of the fly-agaric, and not yellow (as in the royal-agaric). Furthermore, while the gills of the royal-agaric are always yellow, in some cases the gills and stalk of fly-agaric present gradations of yellow (ARIETII & TOMASI 1975: 106). It was also noted that the artist had circumscribed the various areas of the mosaic to be filled in with different colours with dark-coloured fragments, which means that the wrong colour of fragment would not be able to make its way into another circumscribed zone of another colour. Therefore we may conclude that the artist wished to portray these mushrooms specifically with white gills, and that there is good reason to doubt that these mushrooms are in fact A. caesarea. Another feature of this mosaic is that two of the eight mushrooms have stalks which are not entirely yellow but also white.

The Aquileia mushrooms would therefore appear not to be explicitly represented as belonging either to the fly or the royal agaric species. Representation of the royal agaric would not call for subterfuge, but fly agaric would. However, this may be yet another species of mushroom or quite simply a generic "mushroom". It has been hypothesized that the mosaic represents the food (including mushrooms) the faithful consumed during agapes (mysterious ritual feasts held by early Christians) (Brusin & Zovatto 1957, cit. in FABBRO 1996).

I fully appreciate just how complex an investigation of this kind is, how many pitfalls await the researcher, and how easily he may be "led up the garden path". I therefore prefer not to offer my own interpretations of the various works of art presented here.

In any case, we may confidently conclude from what has emerged that justifications do exist for serious and unprejuduced ethnomycological study of early Christian culture, and it is our hope that such studies will take place.

Acknowledgements
I wish to thank the following for the aid and suggestions regarding the material presented in this arlicle: prof. Elemire Zolla (Montepulciano, SI, Italy); Francesco Festi (Museo Civico di Rovereto, TN, Italy); Dona & Manuel Torres (Florida International University, Miami, FL, USA); Dr. Guido Baldelli (Monzuno, BO, Italy); Jonathan Ott (Natural Products, Xalapa, Vér., Mexico); Josep M. Fericgla (Institut de Prospectiva Antropologica, Barcelona, Spain); Tjakko Stijve (Nestlé Research Centre, Lausanne, Switzerland); Jochen Gartz (University of Leipzig, Germany).

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